Arabic Alchemy.

A History of Muslim Pharmacy:
Arabic Alchemy and Toxicology in the Third/Ninth Century

Parallel with the development of pharmacy and pharmacology in Islam, there was also a similar development in alchemy and toxicology. Origins of these developments date back to the Greeks and Indians as well as the empiric knowledge of the indigenous population. Alchemy was commonly practiced during the third/ninth century and many works have been written on this art. Although alchemists failed achieve their goal in the transmutation of lesser metals into silver and gold, they succeeded to a degree in improving chemical techniques, equipment, and processes used, and built up their own methodology, symbolism, and style of communication.

One good example of an independent manual on toxicology is Kitab as-Sumum, in five treatises, attributed to Shanaq the Indian. It was translated into Arabic by al-'Abbas b. Sa'id al-Jawhari for caliph al-Ma'mun (reigned 197-217/813-833). It is a compilation from Greek and Indian sources of the third/ninth century. In the introduction, it is reported that the book was considered a secret of Indian sages and was consi-dered 'unique' and 'unequaled'. Kings kept it in their treasure cabinets, hidden from their children and bosom friends.

Poisons are discussed and how they can be detected by sight, touch, taste, or by the toxic symptoms which they cause. Descriptions are given of poisoned drinks, foods, clothes, carpets, beds, skin lotions, and eye salves, as well as narcotics and universal antidotes. A similar approach and information can be found in a later book on toxicology by Ibn Wahshiyyah during the early 300's/900's.

Another, equally important example, is the book on Poisons and their Antidotes by the famous Arab alchemist, Abu Musa Jabir b. Hayyan as-Sufi al-Kufi. In its six chapters, the author identifies poisons by their kinds and natural origins, their modes of action, dosages, methods of administration, choice of drugs, and the target organ which is attacked by each particular poison -a proposition that is modern in its chemo-therapeutic application. He also discussed general human anatomy, the four humors and how they are affected by purgatives and lethal drugs, warned against poisonous or poisoned matter, and prescribed anti-dotes. His discussion of body principles and subordinate organs and their function is similar to the previously mentioned Greek classification.

Significantly, the authenticity of Jabir and his writings have been controversial f for over one thousand years. In the fourth/tenth century, for example, many scholars and book dealers doubted even the very existence of a historical figure by the name of Jabir. The texts carrying his name were considered spurious and were thought to have been written by several -and possibly later -alchemists who hid their identity behind the famous and revered name of Jabir. Others speculated that even if such - a man existed, he could have written only Kitab ar-Rahmah (The Book of Mercy). On the other side of the controversy were scholars like Ibn an-Nadim who attributed numerous alchemical works to Jabir. To consider such a large number of writings to be the work of one man, no matter how prolific he was, seems doubtful or even impossible under the circumstances.

Just as the general origin and development of the art of alchemy is shrouded with mystery, so is the history of Arabic alchemy. In this chapter, however, al-chemy's beginnings in Islam will be discussed briefly, because of its relationship to the history of pharmacy and therapy.

The earliest figure associated with the development of Arabic alchemy was the Umayyah Prince, Khalid b. Yazid (d. 84/704). A grandson of caliph Mu'awiyyah, who founded the Umayyah Dynasty in 40/661, Khalid was the heir apparent to the throne. In 63/683, however, the throne was taken over by his second cousin, Marwan, with inheritance passing to his direct heirs. As a result of his disappointment and possibly personal inclination, Khalid turned his attention to the occult and hermetic sciences in order to fulfill an inner satisfaction and ambition. We are told that he summoned to Damascus the monk, Marianos, an alchemist hermit from Alexandria, Egypt, who taught him the secrets of the art. Later, Arab alchemists affected an intimate relationship between Khalid and the sixth Imam, ja'far as-sadiq (d. in 147/765) of al-Madinah who flourished after Prince Khalid. In this writer's estimation there is no basis for the ja'far alchemical legend which appears to be a fabrication. For there seems to be no relationship between him and Prince Khalid as a student on the one hand nor between him and jabir as a teacher on the other.

The first Arab alchemist who is known to have promote,d the practice of alchemy as a profession and a career, was the previously mentioned master, jabir b. Hayyan, who flourished about 183/800. Some information can be gathered from his epithets. He was a scion of the Arabian Azd tribe hence called al-Azdi. He resided in Kufah in southern Iraq hence al Kufi and had led the religious and ascetic life of a mystic: as-sufi. The few works many moderate historians attribute to him, such as the Book of Mercy, can only be considered as an early third/ninth century contribution. At this time, Greek, Indian, and the indigenous cultural activities in Iraq, Syria, and Egypt interacted harmoniously. Apparently, j abir compiled few treatises which incorporated various hermetical concepts, however, these attracted considerable attention and publicity. The complex society that existed in third/ninth century Iraq, together with the resultant political upheavals, paved the way toward popularization of secretive societies and underground organizations. These sects, such as the Mu'tazilah, were often politically motivated. The society of Ikhwan as-Safa (Brethren of Sincerity) is another example, who formed a part of a conspiracy against the state, and yet contributed to Islamic culture, a large encyclopedia of knowledge in 52 epistles on religion, politics, philosophy, and the sciences.

From the beginning of the third/ninth century, a progressive group of alchemists developed. After the 21415/830'5 this group constituted a well-defined and active cult which had a separate entity with different objectives from that of the practitioners of the healing arts.

That the aims pursued by alchemists to make silver and gold from lesser metals r were never achieved, encouraged members of these cults to write more and more anonymous books burdened with ambiguous symbolisms and abstracts. They sought to attract more converts and were not much concerned about gaining credit or
lacking it. They were outspoken in demanding that ignorant people and untrained disciples should not read or even hold these 'sacred' writings in their hands. The apparent fact, however, confirms the belief that they diligently sought more followers and vehemently defended their cause and claims by every possible means. One,
of course, was to attribute spurious writings to Imam ja'far and jabir for prestige and sanctity. With the same fervor, many Muslim opponents of alchemy, such as al-Kindi (d. ca. 260/874) attacked the claims of the alchemists and considered their works to be fakes and deceptive and called their members and propagators charlatans.

After Jabir, we know of such alchemists as Abu al-Fa'id Ohun-Nun (d. 246/ 861) of Egypt who wrote several alchemical treatises. Another prolific author was Ibn Wahshiyyah (flourished ca. 287/900) who wrote on a variety of topics including alchemy, toxicology, magic, and astrology. Rational alchemical activities, however, reached a climax in the works of ar-Razi, a contemporary of Ibn Wahshiyah, and a far more original writer. Ar-Razi's works are of much higher caliber both in their relevance to alchemy, as well as to pharmacy and medicine as we shall see shortly. Ar-Razi's works, no doubt, pioneered scientific alchemy and outlined a rational course for its development in Islam.

Hopefully, scholars who are interested in the history of chemistry, and Arabic alchemy in particular, might give us more details concerning the so-called Jabirean corpus in future studies. Here, I would like briefly to describe only a collection of some fourteen alchemical treatises ascribed to Jabir which are bound in one volume and housed at the National library of Medicine. They reflect the trend, approach, and type of information circulated in third/ninth-century Arabic alchemical manuals. Several of these treatises represent some of the best works in this field that were written in Arabic. In them, one senses a rational and experimental approach based on originality in interpretations and genuine interest in alchemical procedures. For example, the first series of four books or treatises on amalgums, al-Malaghim, bring new rational material on the subject based on experimentations. The author or compiler applied the names of planets to minerals, a system that continued to be used up to the twelfth/eighteenth century in Europe. For example, he symbolized mars for iron; the moon for silver; venus for Copper; mercury for live mercury, and Saturn and Jupiter for lead and tin, respectively. In the process of experimenting in the making of amalgamations and elixir several important mineral and chemical substances were used such as sal ammoniac, vitriols, sulphur, arsenic, common salt, quicklime, tutty, malachite, manganese, marcasite, natron, impure sodium borate,
and vinegar. Among the many simples of botanical origin, the compiler used fennel, saffron, pomegranate rinds, celery, leek, sesame, rocket, olives, mustard, and lichen. Important gums were used, such as frankincense and acacia. Of animal origin the following were included: hair, blood, egg white, milk and sour milk, honey, and dung. Among the equipment used were pots, pans, tuber, retorts, alembics, crucibles, and various distilling apparatus; covering platters, ceramic jars, tumblers, mortars and pestles (often made of glass or metals) ; and tripods, scales, and medicinal bottles. The range and scope of alchemical operations included: distillation, sublimation, evaporation, pulverization, washing, straining, cooking, calcination, and condensation (thickening of liquid compounds).

Another interesting part in this series of alchemical documents on amalgamation is that which is devoted to artificial dying of metal, such as silvering and gilding. The idea of using these mordents is to imitate the genuine substances with supposedly 'permanent' dyes to promote sales. The approach and reasoning seem objective and businesslike. There was apparently no intention tocheat the consumer, but rather to make use of advanced technology. This shows the commendable and practical part played by the early Arabic alchemists and jewelers.